Tımar

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Timar toke e dhënë nga sulltani ne Perandorine osmane midis shekujve te katermbedhjete dhe te gjashtemebdhjete, me një vlerë të ardhurave tatimore vjetore më pak se 20 000 akçe. Të ardhurat e prodhuara nga toka vepruan si kompensim për shërbimin ushtarak. Një mbajtës Timar ishte i njohur si një timariot. Nëse të ardhurat e prodhuara nga timar ishin nga 20.000 në 100.000 akçes, timar do të quhej zeamet, dhe në qoftë se ata ishin më lart se 100,000 akçe, vendi do të quhej has.[1]

Sistemi i timarit[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

Ne Perandorine Osmane, sistemi i timarit ishte një në të cilën të ardhurat e projektuar nga një territor pushtuar është shpërndarë në formën e granteve të përkohshme tokësore midis Sipahis (kalores) dhe anëtarët e tjerë të klasës ushtarake, duke përfshirë dhe Jeniçeri janiçeret dhe kuls (skllever) te tjere te sulltanit. Këto shperblime janë dhënë si kompensim për shërbimin vjetor ushtarak, për të cilën kanë marrë pagë. Në rrethana të rralla gratë mund të bëheshin mbajtëse te timarit. Ky pozicion megjithatë ishte i kufizuar për gratë që ishin të shquar brenda familjes perandorake, apo rangut të lartë anëtarëve të elitës otomane. [2] Timaret mund të kene qene te vegjël, kur ata do të jepet nga guvernatorëve, apo të mëdha, të cilat pastaj kërkohet një certifikatë nga sulltan, por në përgjithësi çiflig kishte një vlerë vjetore prej më pak se njëzet mijë akces (një monedhë argjendi osmane).[3] Ky sistem e zotërimit të tokës ka zgjatur afërsisht nga shekulli i katërmbëdhjetë deri në shekullin e gjashtëmbëdhjetë. Qëllimet e sistemit janë të nevojshme nga qëllimet financiare, shtetërore dhe ekspansioniste. Qëllimet financiare të sistemit ishin per te cliruar tensionin nga shteti osman për të paguar ushtrinë, si dhe për të fituar një burim të ri të të ardhurave për Thesarin qendror.[4] Synimet ekspansioniste ishin që të rrisnin numrin e ushtarëve dhe të kalorësisë dhe gradualisht të asimilonin dhe të sillnin vendet e pushtuara nën kontrollin e drejtpërdrejtë osman.[4][5] Shteti osman dëshironte gjithashtu të centralizonte autoritetin e sulltanit duke hequr sistemin feudal dhe elementet e aristokracisë nga zoterimi i perandorisë.[6]

Fuqia dhe kushtet[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

Brenda sistemit timar shteti i dha mbajtësit te timarit , duke përfshirë Sipahis (kaloresi), autorizimin të ketë kontroll të tokave pjellore, bosh ose toka te pushtuara nga fshatarët, djerrina, pemë frutore, pyjet apo ujërat brenda territorit te timarit.[7] Sipahite punësonin te ngarkuar ose mëkëmbes te quajtur Keetuda, Vekil, ose voyvoda për të mbledhur të ardhurat dhe ushtron kompetencat e te deleguarit.[8] Ata kishin të drejtë të mbledhin pjesë të caktuara të të ardhurave tatimore nga tokat e punueshme në lokalitete të caktuara në këmbim të për shërbimin ndaj shtetit.[9] Ata ishin përgjegjës për mbikëqyrjen territorin e tyre Timar dhe mënyrën se si ishte kultivuar dhe zotëruar nga fshatarët. Sipahinjte shpërbleheshin nëse ai prokuruar shlyerjen e tokës lirë. Megjithatë ai ndëshkohej në qoftë se ai shkaktonte braktisjen e tokës së kultivuar.[10] Timar holders had police authority to pursue and arrest wrong doers within their territories. However they could not enforce penalties until they received a verdict from a local judge with accordance to imperial law.[7] Their duties were to protect peasants and persons in their territory and to rejoin the imperial army during campaigns. The sultan gave Sipahis vineyards and a meadow which would take care of their families, retainers and horses needs.[11] One of the main conditions imposed by the state was that a Timar holder did not own the land; land ownership was held by the Ottoman state.[11] Another essential condition was that Timars could not be inherited but it was not uncommon for a Timar to be reassigned to a son provided they performed military service.[10] Timar holding was contingent on active military service and if a Sipahis failed to engage in military service for seven years he lost his duty and land.[11] Nevertheless, the Sipahis retained their title and could be eligible for another Timar if they remained in the military class and participated in military campaigns.[11]

Origjina[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

Për shkak të natyrës së dokumentacionit të historisë së hershme të osmanëve është shumë e vështirë për të caktuar një datë konkrete per sistemin e Timar. Elementet e sistemit të Timar megjithatë mund të shihen të kenë origjinën e tyre në kohet e vjetra para-islamike (perandoritë e lashta të Lindjes së Mesme, Roma, Bizanti, dhe Irani paraislamik).[12] Pronoia of the late Byzantine era is perhaps the immediate predecessor of the Timar system. However, it was not until the re-emergence of the empire under Mehmed I in 1413 that a tenure system that was distinctly Timar was developed. Before the collapse of the empire by Timur in 1402, Bajazid had granted quasi- Timar holdings to his own slaves. With the reunification of the Ottoman lands under a Sultan, these men would once again have legal title to their holdings. Over the next fifty years this system of land tenure was largely expanded and standardized. After the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman turned once more to the familiar policy of expansion through conquest.[13] With the period of consolidation that followed there was a move towards total annexation and assimilation of the provinces into the Ottoman system. This meant the elimination of local dynasties and replacing them with the Timar system and other apparatuses of provincial administration.[7]

Topografi dhe shpërndarja[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

By the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the surveying and distribution of conquered territory among the Sipahis class had become a very complicated and highly bureaucratic process. In the survey, known as the Tapu-tahrirs, all the fiscal information about the territory would be collected and divided into Timar. The process went as follows: 1) appoint administrator (emin – accompanied by clerk (Katip) and regional Kadi collected available documentation about land and building ownership and local taxes 2) information is written down and codified in a narrative called (Kanunname) that mediated and resolved contradictions especially between those two non-Islamic legal traditions –local and imperial; upon which the Ottomans based their dominion 3) officials consult with local grandees and proceeded from village to village to inspect and evaluate land and other holdings 4) draw up results of the survey in a register prefaced by the Kanunname that listed the names of all the towns, villages and populations, what they produced and expected revenues.[14]

Based on these fiscal projections, the Sultan would distribute the land and villages to the soldiers who had participated in the conquest. Initially the candidates for Timar were recommended individually to the Sultan. Upon receiving this recommendation, the Sultan commanded the provincial governor to award the candidate with Timar in the province. The candidate then, “with the Sultan’s order” (eli-emirlu) would go out and find a vacant Timar suitable for him.[15] It has been suggested that there was a regular rotation system so that Timar holders were dismissed after serving a defined period of tenure. This length would vary case to case. As long as the candidate participated regularly in the Sultan’s military campaigns who would be eligible for a Timar grant. This made it so competing groups formed and were motivated to fight for the Sultan’s favouritism and patronage.[15]

Problemet dhe rënia[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

Në kohën e Mehmed II (r. 1451–1481) reigned over the Ottoman Empire the number of Candidates eligible for Timar grants had fallen substantially. There was a growing expectation among the jeniçeri soldiers and other Kuls of the Sultan for these grants in reward for participating in the growing number of campaigns. Furthermore Timars were being offered to volunteers and members of the pre-Ottoman military class for their loyalty and service to the sulltan. In order to meet this new demand, existing Timars were turned into jointly held unites, or divided into shares. This growing demand also forced the Ottoman Sultan’s to engage in further wars of conquest in neighbouring countries thus creating Timar through new surveys. This however, also increased the number of candidates for Timar grants. The solution to this crisis took two forms: more than one Sipahis holding a single Timar and instead of receiving an entire village, Sipahis were given shares in many villages in order to make up their Timar. These solutions likely had further implications than just meeting the demands of a growing demographic. The Ottoman government had a policy of keeping the registered Timar intact even while the number of Sipahis grew. Furthermore it prevented Sipahis from gaining complete and independent control over the peasants and land within a territory.[16]

By the end of the sixteenth century the Timar system of land tenure had begun its unrecoverable decline. In 1528, the Timariot constituted the largest single division in the Ottoman army. Sipahis were responsible for their own expenses, including provision during the campaigns, their equipment, providing auxiliary men (cebelu) and valets (gulam).[17] With the onset of new military technologies, particularly the gun, the Sipahis, who had once made up the backbone of the Ottoman army, were becoming obsolete. The long and costly wars which the Ottoman Sultans waged against the Habsburgs and Iranians had demanded the formation of a modern standing and professional army. Therefore cash was needed to maintain them. Essentially, the gun was cheaper than a horse.[18] By the early decades of the seventeenth century, much of the Timar revenue was brought into the central treasury as substitute money (bedel) for exemption from military service.[19] Since they were no longer needed, when the Timar holders died off, their holdings would not be reassigned, but were brought under imperial domain. Once under direct control the vacant land would be turned into Tax Farms (muqãta’a) in order to ensure greater cash revenue for the central government.[20]

Shih edhe[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

Referenca[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

  1. ^ Hakan Özoğlu: Kurdish notables and the Ottoman state: evolving identities, competing loyalties, and shifting boundaries, S. 52–, SUNY Press 2004, ISBN 978-0-7914-5993-5
  2. ^ Reindl-Kiel, 208
  3. ^ Ottoman
  4. ^ a b Ozel, 234
  5. ^ Wiesner-Hanks, 73
  6. ^ Lewis, 117
  7. ^ a b c Inalcik (1994) 114
  8. ^ Inalcik (1994) 74
  9. ^ Ozel, 230
  10. ^ a b Lewis, 118
  11. ^ a b c d Inalcik (1994) 115
  12. ^ Lewis, 112
  13. ^ Inalcik (1954) 106
  14. ^ Goffman, 77
  15. ^ a b Inalcik (1994) 116
  16. ^ Inalcik (1994) 73; 114–115; 116–117
  17. ^ Inalcik (1994) 90
  18. ^ Inalcik (1994) 115; 117; 434; 467
  19. ^ Inalcik (1994) 73
  20. ^ Lewis, 122

Bibliografia[redakto | redakto tekstin burimor]

  • Gwinn, Robert P, Charles E. Swanson, and Philip W. Goetz. The New Encyclopædia Britannica.vol. 8, 11, 10. London: Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 1986
  • Goffman, Daniel. The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2007
  • Inalcik, Halil. An Economic and Social history of the Ottoman Empire 1300–1914.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994
  • Inalcik, Halil. “Ottoman Methods of conquest.” Studia Islamica. 2 (1954): 103–129
  • Lewis, Bernard. “Ottoman Land Tenure and Taxation in Syria.” Studia Islamic. (1979), pp. 109–124
  • Murphey, Rhoads. “Ottoman Census Methods in the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Three Case Histories.” Studia Islamica. (1990), pp. 115–126
  • Ozel, Oktay. “Limits of the Almighty: Mehmed II’s ‘Land Reform’ Revised.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 42 (1999), pp. 226–246
  • Reindl-Kiel, Hedda. “A Woman Timar Holder in Ankara Province during the Second of the 16th Century.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 40 (1997), pp. 2007–238
  • Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. Early Modern Europe 1450–1789. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006