Diskutim:Lidhja e Prizrenit/Arkiva 000

• THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM Për LP thotë

a‘yân everywhere took into their service these highlanders who were reputed to be the best mercenaries. They were organised in bölüks of about 100 men under a bölük-bashi, who, as a perfect condottiere, arranged everything for his men with the hirer. The part played by such bölüks is well illustrated by the example of Mehmed ‘Alî in Egypt. .Many Albanians also joined the mountain bands in Rumeli, called Daghli eshkiydsi or Kircaali.

In the same period the lease system of the state-owned lands (mîrî arâdî mukâta‘asi) on the lowlands, coastal plains or inland basins, in Albania gave birth to the big land-owning class of a‘yân [q.v.]. These absentee land-lords used every means to obtain more and more mukâta‘ât. Among them, the Bushatli family in the North, in the land of Gegs, and Tepedelenli ‘Alî Pasha (see ‘ALÎ PASHA TEPEDELNLI) (1744-1822) in the south, in the area of Tosks, emerged as semi-independent despots. The first Bushatli (in Turkish chroniclers Budjatli or Bucatli), Mehmed Pasha, built up his power by acquiring large mukâta‘ât and by making an alliance, with the Malisors, the highlanders, and thus forced the Porte to confer him the governorship of Scutari (Ishkodra, Shkodër) (1779). After his death (1790), the Porte’s attempt to get back these mukâta‘ât caused his son Kara Mahmûd Pasha [q.v.] to rebel. ‘Alî Pasha, too, possessed about 200 estates (ciftliks). The Porte at first did not challenge the increasing power and authority of the Bushatlis and ‘Alî Pasha, as they were rightly considered to check the domination of the local a‘yân, and the rivalry between these two pashas seemed to counterbalance each other. ‘Alî Pasha once tried to extend his control into the zone of the Bushatlis and fought them. Through his sons whom he managed to have appointed governors of Thessaly, Morea, Karli-ili he actually formed a semi-independent state in Albania and Greece. In 1820, when the central government finally took action against him, he rebelled, and instigated the Greeks to revolt. The power of the last Bushatli, named Mustafâ Pasha, was destroyed only in 1832 by the reformed army of Mahmûd II. The centralist policy of the Tanzîmât caused troubles with the autonomous tribes in North Albania.

The “Albanian League for the Defence of the Kights of the Albanian Nation” had been set up at Prizren on June 13, 1878, only to influence the decisions of the Congress of Berlin; but it proved to have great significance for the birth of an Albanian state later on. Encouraged by the Ottoman government at the beginning, the League set up resistance to the Montenegrins and Greeks in order to keep the Albanian provinces united (the four Ottoman wilâyets of Yanya, Ishkodra, Manastir and Kosova). But when the league tended to further the idea of an autonomous Albania, the Porte sent an army and aspersed the League (1881). The great powers, especially Austria-Hungary and Italy, encouraged this autonomy movement with the purpose of extending their influence over Albania while Russia was supporting Montenegro’s territorial claims over Albania. On the other hand, by enlisting Albanians in his bodyguard and conferring special favours on them, ‘Abd al-Hamîd II was trying to win Albanian support. But the Albanian intellectuals, in co-operation with the Young Turks in Paris and elsewhere, were anticipating an autonomous Albania. In 1908 the stand taken by the Albanians against ‘Abd al-Hamîd II at the Frizovik Meeting did actually help the Revolution to succeed. In the Ottoman Parliament the influential Albanian deputies, such as Ismâ‘îl Kemal, Es‘ad Toptanî, Hasan Prishtina, joined in tlie Hürriyyet we I‘tilâf Party which sought decentralisation as against the centralist ottomanisation policy of the Ittihâd we Terakkî Party. While the heated discussions on an Albanian educational system was going on (the Congress of Manastir, November 1908) an uprising broke out among the Albanian highlanders who resisted the Ottoman government attempt to collect their arms. Finally, on 4th September 1912, the new Ottoman government accepted the Albanian demands for an autonomous administration. But the Balkan War completely changed the situation in the Balkans. A short time after the declaration of war, in November 1912, Ismâ‘îl Kemal declared the independence of Albania at Awlonya (Vlorë). The London Conference proclaimed Albania an autonomous principality under the guaranty of the six powers (29th July 1923); but the newly elected prince, Wilhelm von Wied, had soon to leave the country (3rd September 1914). After the first world war Serbia laid claims to Shkodër and Durrës. Seeing their country dismembered, the Albanian leaders hastily convoked a congress at Lushnjë (21st January 1920) and demanded the independence of Albania. A national government was formed in Tirana, and an Albanian partisan army drove out the Italians from Vlorë. Italy finally recognised the independence of Albania with the treaty of Tirana (3rd August 1920). The small Albanian state experienced a tumultuous parliamentary life during the first years of its existence (1921-4). The Muslim land-owning beys of the western and central plains came into conflict with the Popular Party (under its leader Fan S. Noli). A revolution forced Ahmed Zog, the Prime Minister, to flee to Yugoslavia. With Yugoslav support he came back into power (24th December 1924). A constituent Assembly proclaimed Albania a Republic and named Ahmed Zog (Zogu) President. He then signed a series of treaties with Italy (12th May 1925; 27th November 1926; 22nd November 1927 and March 1936) putting the country practically under Italian protection. In September 1928 Zog was proclaimed the King of Albanians. He fled from Albania one day before the Italians invaded the country on April 6, 1939.

Bibliography: Emile Legrand, Bibliographie albanaise, completed and published by Henri Guys, Paris 1912; Jean G. Kersopoulos, Albanie, ouvrages et articles de revue parus de 1555 à 1934, ed. Flamma, Athens 1934; Herbert Louis, Albanian, Eine Landeskunde vornehmlich auf Grunde eigener Reisen, Stuttgart 1927; Antonio Baldacci, Studi speciali albanesi, 3 vols., Rome 1932-33, 1938; Johann G. von Hahn, Albanesische Studien, Jena 1854; F. Nopcsa, Albanien. Bauten, Trachten und Geräte Nordalbaniens, Berlin and Leipzig 1925; Hyacinthe Hequard, Histoire et Description de la Haute-Albanie ou Ghegarie, Paris 1855; M.E. Durham, High Albania, London 1909; S. Gopcevic, Oberalbanien und Seine Liga, Leipzig 1881; Margaret Hasluck, The Unwritten Law in Albania, Cambridge 1954; Carleton S. Coon, The Mountains of Giants: A Racial and cultural Study of the North Albanian Mountain Ghegs, Cambridge, Mass. 1950; Ludwig von Thallóczy, Illyrisch-albanische Forschungen, Munich-Leipzig, 1916; Georg Stadtmüller, Forschungen zur albanischen Frühgeschichte, Archivum Europae Centro-Orientalis, vii/1941, 1-196; M.M. v. Šufflay, Srbi i Arbanasi, Belgrade 1925; N. Jorga, Brève Histoire de l’Albanie et du peuple albanais, Bucharest 1919;

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Fr. Pall, Marino Barlezio. Uno storico umanista, Mélanges d’histoire générale, ii (Cluj 1938), 135-318; H. Ìnalcik, Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara 1954; idem, Timariotes chrétiens en Albanie au XV.siècle, Mitteil., des oesterreichischen Staatsarchivs, Vienna iv/1952, 118-38; idem, Iskender bey, IA cüz 52; Stavro Skendi, Religion in Albania during the Ottoman Rule, in Südostforschungen xv/1956, 311-27; Albania, S. Skendi (editor), New York 1956; the Ottoman chroniclers, Neshrî, Urudj, Khodja Sa‘d al-Dîn, Kâtib Celebi, Na‘îmâ, Findiklili Mehmed Agha, Râshid, Enwerî, Djewdet Pasha, contain considerable information on Albania (for these see F. Babinger, GOW); for Ewliyâ Celebi, see F. Babinger, Evlijâ Tschelebi’s Reisewege in Albanien, Berlin 1930; for the last period under the Ottoman rule, see Y.H. Bayur, Türk Inkilabi Tarihi, pub. Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 1943-1956; T.W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, London 1935; J.K. Birge, The Bektashi Order of Dervishes, Hartford 1937, K. Süssheim, Arnavutluk, in IA.